Berlin, April 4, 2026 – Germany’s Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul has issued a strong call for the European Union to abandon its long-standing unanimity principle in foreign and security policy decision-making, arguing that the current system hampers the bloc’s ability to act decisively on the global stage. Speaking on Saturday, Wadephul urged EU partners to scrap the requirement before the end of the current legislative period, describing it as essential for the Union to become a “truly grown-up” international actor.
In an interview with the Funke Media Group, as reported by Germany’s DPA news agency, Wadephul stated: “We should abolish the unanimity principle in the EU in foreign and security policy before the end of the current legislative period so as to be better capable of acting internationally and to be truly grown-up.” His remarks come at a time of heightened frustration within the EU over repeated blocks by individual member states, particularly in response to Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine and broader geopolitical challenges.
The German minister explicitly pointed to recent disputes with Hungary as evidence of the need for reform. He voiced support for shifting to qualified majority voting (QMV) among the EU’s 27 member states, a system already used in many other policy areas. “All the experience that we have gained over recent weeks with aid for Ukraine and sanctions on Russia indicate this,” Wadephul added.
At the heart of the current impasse is Hungary’s blockade of a massive €90 billion ($103 billion) EU-backed loan package for Ukraine. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has conditioned his country’s approval on the restoration of Russian oil transit through the Druzhba pipeline, which has been disrupted. Budapest claims that Ukraine deliberately halted the flow of oil, while Kyiv insists the interruption resulted from damage caused by a Russian missile strike and has rejected demands for international inspections at the affected sites.
This standoff has exposed deep fractures within the EU’s foreign policy machinery. Under the current unanimity rule, a single member state can veto major decisions, giving disproportionate leverage to nations that diverge from the bloc’s mainstream positions. Critics argue that this has allowed Hungary, under Orbán’s leadership since 2010, to repeatedly obstruct collective action on issues ranging from sanctions against Russia to financial support for Ukraine.
Wadephul’s intervention reflects a growing sentiment in Berlin and other capitals that the EU must evolve if it is to maintain relevance amid great-power competition involving Russia, China, and the United States. Proponents of reform contend that qualified majority voting would enable faster responses to crises while still protecting core national interests through safeguards and thresholds. Under QMV, decisions typically require support from at least 55% of member states representing 65% of the EU population.
The push for change is not new. Discussions about reforming EU decision-making processes have intensified since the Brexit referendum and gained further momentum following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Several member states, including France, Germany, and the Baltic countries, have long advocated for more flexible voting mechanisms in sensitive areas. However, countries such as Hungary and Poland (in previous governments) have resisted, fearing a loss of sovereignty.
Analysts suggest that Wadephul’s comments signal Germany’s willingness to lead the charge on institutional reform. “The unanimity rule worked reasonably well when the EU was smaller and faced fewer existential threats,” said Dr. Markus Schmidt, a professor of European governance at the Free University of Berlin. “But in today’s world of hybrid warfare, energy blackmail, and rapid geopolitical shifts, it has become a serious liability. Germany’s public endorsement of abolition could build the necessary momentum among like-minded states.”
The timing of the statement is particularly significant. Hungary faces general elections on April 12, just eight days from now. Addressing the upcoming vote, Wadephul adopted a diplomatic tone, saying it is “up to the Hungarian people to choose their government” and that Germany would be prepared to work constructively with any administration that emerges from the polls. This measured approach contrasts with the sharper criticisms often leveled at Orbán from other European leaders.
Orbán has built his political brand on challenging EU consensus positions. Over the past decade, he has clashed with Brussels on migration policy, rule-of-law issues, LGBTQ+ rights, and foreign policy alignment. His government has maintained relatively warm ties with Moscow even after the invasion of Ukraine, drawing accusations of undermining European unity. Supporters of Orbán argue that he is defending Hungarian national interests against an overreaching Brussels bureaucracy.
The €90 billion loan to Ukraine forms part of a broader EU strategy to sustain Kyiv’s resistance against Russian aggression. The package would provide critical budgetary support, helping Ukraine pay salaries, pensions, and maintain essential services while its economy remains under severe strain from the war. Delays caused by Hungary’s veto have raised concerns in Kyiv and among Ukraine’s strongest backers that vital assistance could be jeopardized at a decisive moment on the battlefield.
Beyond the immediate Ukraine aid issue, the unanimity principle affects a wide range of policies. It has complicated efforts to impose new sanctions packages on Russia, coordinate arms deliveries, and develop a common strategic approach toward China. Security experts warn that in the event of a major crisis—such as a direct threat to an EU member state—the requirement for consensus could dangerously slow decision-making.
German Chancellor’s office sources indicated that Wadephul’s remarks align with Berlin’s broader vision for an empowered European Union capable of strategic autonomy. Germany has increasingly positioned itself as a leader in European defense initiatives, including plans for greater military integration and joint procurement. Abolishing unanimity in foreign policy would complement these efforts by ensuring that decisions match the ambition.
Opposition to the proposal is expected from several quarters. Smaller member states worry about being marginalized by larger countries under qualified majority voting. Hungary has already signaled strong resistance to any dilution of its veto power, viewing it as a vital shield for its sovereignty. Legal and constitutional hurdles also exist, as changing voting rules in foreign policy would likely require treaty amendments—a complex and lengthy process involving ratification by all member states.
Nevertheless, momentum appears to be building. Earlier this year, a group of EU countries informally discussed “coalitions of the willing” and alternative formats to bypass blockers. The European Parliament has repeatedly passed resolutions calling for the extension of qualified majority voting to foreign and security policy.
As the Hungarian elections approach, European observers will be watching closely to see whether Orbán secures another term and, if so, whether his stance toward the EU softens or hardens. A change in government in Budapest could remove one of the most vocal opponents of reform and accelerate discussions in Brussels.
Wadephul’s call represents more than a technical adjustment to voting procedures. It touches on fundamental questions about the future of European integration: Should the EU remain a union of sovereign equals where each voice carries equal weight, or should it evolve into a more federal-style entity capable of projecting unified power internationally? For Germany, Europe’s economic powerhouse, the answer increasingly leans toward the latter.
The coming months will test whether this latest push gains traction or joins previous unsuccessful attempts at treaty reform. With geopolitical tensions showing no signs of easing—from the war in Ukraine to instability in the Middle East and competition in the Indo-Pacific—the stakes for a more agile and decisive European Union have rarely been higher.
EU institutions are expected to discuss institutional reform at upcoming summits later this year. Whether Wadephul’s vision materializes will depend on the ability of pro-reform countries to build a broad enough coalition to overcome entrenched opposition.